德國前總理施羅德在《習(xí)近平談治國理政》首發(fā)式上對此書贊賞有加

過去幾年里，抨擊西方政治衰朽、會診民主制度機(jī)能障礙的書出了不少。

弗朗西斯·福山在其權(quán)威新作《政治秩序和政治衰朽》中，冷峻地審視了“對抗性的司法主義”是如何腐化法治；以及美國的特殊利益集團(tuán)是如何用“否決政治”制造政治僵局、阻礙革新的。

福山這部著作包含的許多主題與《智慧治理：21世紀(jì)東西方之間的中庸之道》（中文版由觀察者網(wǎng)朱新偉等翻譯）不謀而合。在這本曾被《金融時報》評為年度最佳的書中，我和尼古拉斯·伯格魯恩提出，在美國的“消費(fèi)者民主”制度下，選民的短視性，再加上特殊利益對“一人一票”選舉的俘虜，使美國政治體制喪失了自我糾錯的能力。

這里要提到的第三本書是《第四次革命:重塑國家的全球競爭》。該書作者暨《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》雜志編輯約翰·米克斯維特和阿德里安·伍爾德里奇宣稱，我們再也不能做這樣的假設(shè)：一個低效的、僵化的自由主義福利國家，能跑贏正在崛起的亞洲對手——特別是中國。

中國國家主席習(xí)近平上任兩年來，分秒必爭地鞏固了權(quán)力，如今又以《習(xí)近平談治國理政》這本長達(dá)500頁的大部頭，加入到全球治理模式的競爭中來。而且這本書還有英文版！在書中，這位后毛澤東時代最有權(quán)力的中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，詳細(xì)地向世界解釋了中國的運(yùn)作方式，在習(xí)的任期內(nèi)中國意圖走向何方，以及中國獨(dú)特的治理體系將如何指引中國達(dá)成目標(biāo)。

《習(xí)近平談治國理政》的出版，標(biāo)志著全球化已進(jìn)入新篇章。自冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來，全球化產(chǎn)生了激烈的經(jīng)濟(jì)競爭；從現(xiàn)在開始，全球化必將包括治理模式的競爭。

習(xí)近平的著作是一部“反回憶錄”，或者說是一部倒過來寫的回憶錄?！读?xí)近平談治國理政》不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人淡出政治舞臺后，為回顧過去而收錄的一系列講話和公告；而是在習(xí)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的中國雄心勃勃的改革宣言。

這本書勾勒出習(xí)近平所講的“中華民族偉大復(fù)興”的輪廓，解釋了為什么中國最高領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層相信一黨體制下的協(xié)商式?jīng)Q策過程比一人一票的投票制度更加民主——因為它考慮到了全社會的整體利益。在書中，習(xí)近平正面闡述了關(guān)于治國理政的一系列問題：向貪污腐敗宣戰(zhàn)；應(yīng)對生態(tài)環(huán)境挑戰(zhàn)；建設(shè)中美新型大國關(guān)系；堅決轉(zhuǎn)向市場化資源配置；保障進(jìn)城務(wù)工的農(nóng)民工平等權(quán)利；以及在大規(guī)模城鎮(zhèn)化的新背景下消除貧困。此外，他還討論了中國的法治建設(shè)。

事實上，西方讀者必須得消化略顯生硬的話語，才能全面解讀習(xí)近平的意思。（習(xí)近平在努力用大白話取代黨八股，但這仍是一項有待加強(qiáng)的改革）。在繁復(fù)的段落中，埋藏著許多根本性的轉(zhuǎn)型，譬如司法權(quán)與行政管轄權(quán)適當(dāng)分離，從而建立法院的獨(dú)立性（第92頁）。但如果你真想抓住當(dāng)前中國巨變的實質(zhì)；真想了解凝聚共識型（而非多黨競爭型）政治體制對實現(xiàn)中國目標(biāo)的核心重要性，多花點(diǎn)工夫去消化理解也是值得的。

如果奧巴馬擔(dān)任參議員時的傳記叫做《無畏的希望》，習(xí)近平的著作可以被稱為《從無畏到實干》。

是的，這本書亞馬遜商城有售（除了英文版，還有法文、俄文、阿拉伯文、西班牙文、葡萄牙文、德文、日文版）。

（點(diǎn)擊下一頁，查看英文原文）

How to Turn Audacity into Effective Action: China's Xi Jinping Challenges the Western Model of Governance

In the past few years there have been a slew of books decrying the political decay and dysfunction of Western democracy.

In his magisterial new work, "Political Order and Political Decay," Francis Fukuyama takes a hard look at how "adversarial judicialism" has corrupted the rule of law and how the emergence of a special interest "vetocracy" has blocked change and produced gridlock in the United States.

Fukuyama's book traces many of the same themes raised by myself and Nicolas Berggruen in our book, "Intelligent Governance for the 21st Century: A Middle Way Between West and East," flagged as a "best book of the year" by the Financial Times. We argue that, in America's "consumer democracy," the short-term horizon of the voter combined with the capture of one-person-one vote elections by special interests has paralyzed the capacity of our political system to self-correct.

In a third book, "The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State,"Economist editors John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge posit that we can no longer assume that an inefficient and gridlocked liberal welfare state can outcompete rising rivals in Asia, particularly China.

Now China's President Xi Jinping, who has wasted not a moment over the past two years consolidating his power, enters the global competition with a 500 page tome titled "The Governance of China." And it is in English! At great length, the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao explains to the world how China works, what it intends to do in the coming years during his tenure at the top and how its unique governing system will get it there.

The publication of Xi's book marks a new chapter of globalization. While globalization since the end of the Cold War has entailed fierce economic competition, from now on it will also entail a competition of models of governance.

Xi's book is an anti-memoir, or a memoir in reverse. Rather than the normal collection of speeches and proclamations only published once a leader is out of office and looking back at his legacy, "The Governance of China" is a manifesto of the ambitious reform path upon which China has embarked under Xi's leadership.

The book outlines what Xi means by "rejuvenating the Chinese nation" and explains the consultative decision making process of a one-party system that China's top leaders believe is more democratic - taking into account the interests of all of society - than one-person-one-vote elections. He lays down the gauntlet on corruption. He addresses the ecological challenge, the geopolitics of the "new great power relationship with the United States," the decisive shift toward the market, equality for migrant workers in the cities and ending poverty in the context of massive new urbanization. And he discusses the evolution toward the rule of law.

The Western reader, it is true, will have to wade through way too much wooden rhetoric to decipher what it all means. (One sorely missing reform is jettisoning Party-speak for plain language). Many of the fundamental transformations - for example separating the judiciary from administrative jurisdictions, thus forging independence of the courts (P. 92) --- are buried in long-winded passages. But the wade is worth the while if you want to grasp the enormity of the changes China is undergoing and how central a consensus forming - as opposed to multi-party competitive - political system is to realizing those goals.

If Barack Obama's pre-presidential biography was called "The Audacity of Hope," Xi's book could be called "How to Translate Audacity into Effective Action."

And yes, the book is available on Amazon (and also in French, Russian, Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, German and Japanese).