【“中國(guó)夢(mèng)”與“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”的區(qū)別，是集體夢(mèng)與個(gè)人夢(mèng)的區(qū)別嗎？在12月9日復(fù)旦大學(xué)“中國(guó)模式與中國(guó)未來(lái)”研討會(huì)上，中國(guó)發(fā)展模式研究中心研究員李世默指出，習(xí)近平總書(shū)記“中國(guó)夢(mèng)”讓人聯(lián)想起一百多年前“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”。“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”是個(gè)人夢(mèng)還是集體夢(mèng)？美國(guó)前總統(tǒng)羅斯福的演講《奮斗不息》（The Strenuous Life）是對(duì)“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”的極佳詮釋。羅斯福時(shí)任紐約州州長(zhǎng)。因?yàn)檫@次演講，“The Strenuous Life”也成為羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)歷史形象的一部分。吃透美國(guó)夢(mèng)，才能更好地講出真正的中國(guó)夢(mèng)。觀察者網(wǎng)全文翻譯，供讀者參考?！?/p>

諸位，你們是西方最偉大城市之子，是誕生了林肯和格蘭特的國(guó)家之子，是美國(guó)性格中最具美國(guó)特色的杰出象征，我想談的不是茍且偷安的人生哲學(xué)，而是艱苦生活的道理——艱苦奮斗，力爭(zhēng)上游，不甘居人下；我想談那種最崇高的成就，即貪圖安逸之輩與之無(wú)緣，而不畏艱險(xiǎn)、不避勞苦、奪取輝煌勝利之士才能取得的那種成就。

茍且偷安的人生，源于缺乏追尋崇高的欲望或能力；大到國(guó)家，小到個(gè)人，茍且偷安都是不名一文的作為。每一位自尊自愛(ài)的美國(guó)人對(duì)自己、對(duì)兒子都會(huì)有所期許，我向諸位提出的要求，就是把這種期許提升到整個(gè)美利堅(jiān)民族。在座的諸位，有誰(shuí)會(huì)教導(dǎo)兒子把茍且偷安當(dāng)作人生目標(biāo)？你們芝加哥人鑄就了這座偉大城市，你們伊利諾伊州人竭盡所能，付出百分之兩百的努力，為美國(guó)做出巨大貢獻(xiàn)，因?yàn)槟銈兊难詡魃斫潭疾皇悄欠N茍且偷安。你們不僅自己努力，還養(yǎng)育下一代再接再厲。如果你是富人，掙得血汗錢(qián)，你會(huì)教育自己的兒子們，雖然他們有了安逸的生活條件，但不應(yīng)該蹉跎青春；因?yàn)?strong>真正睿智的“安逸”，僅僅只那些有閑暇的人，擺脫了謀生的羈絆，全身心投入某種不計(jì)回報(bào)的事業(yè)，科學(xué)、文學(xué)、藝術(shù)、探險(xiǎn)、歷史等我們國(guó)家急需的工作，這些事業(yè)反映了祖國(guó)的榮耀。

我們絲毫不羨慕謹(jǐn)小慎微的人。我們崇敬那些能夠攻克一個(gè)個(gè)難關(guān)的人：從不責(zé)備隊(duì)友，隨時(shí)拉朋友一把。但是，他也會(huì)有缺點(diǎn)，在真刀真槍的現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中奪取勝利所必需的缺點(diǎn)。這樣的人生，不揮灑汗水，你將一無(wú)所得?，F(xiàn)在你可以不努力，僅僅是因?yàn)檫^(guò)去有人幫你努力過(guò)了。一個(gè)人如果擁有不工作的自由，之所以還能好好活著，完全仰賴(lài)他的父輩、祖父輩為了崇高事業(yè)而付出的心血。如果這種自由使用得當(dāng)，無(wú)論是去當(dāng)作家還是將軍，無(wú)論從政或探險(xiǎn)，他都可以證明自己的人生價(jià)值。但如果他把衣食無(wú)憂(yōu)的生活條件當(dāng)作純粹的享樂(lè)，而非奮斗基礎(chǔ)，那么，他就是地球的累贅，在社會(huì)上沒(méi)有立足之地。純?nèi)话惨莸纳?，終究不等于悠然自得的人生，一旦習(xí)慣了這樣的生活，以后很難再去腳踏實(shí)地工作。

個(gè)人如此，一個(gè)國(guó)家亦是如此。說(shuō)什么“一個(gè)沒(méi)有歷史的國(guó)家是快樂(lè)的”，這是歹毒的謊言。一個(gè)擁有輝煌歷史的國(guó)家會(huì)倍加幸福。一個(gè)敢于攀登高峰、奪取勝利、不畏艱險(xiǎn)的國(guó)家，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)勝過(guò)那些不痛不癢的靈魂，后者被困在灰暗的幕帷之下，渾然不知何謂勝敗。假設(shè)1861年北部的聯(lián)邦軍隊(duì)以茍且偷安為榮、驍勇善戰(zhàn)為恥，那我們本可以拯救數(shù)十萬(wàn)生命，節(jié)約數(shù)億美元。免于揮灑熱血、拋棄個(gè)人財(cái)富，不會(huì)弄得妻離子散，我們本可以回避那親眼目睹軍隊(duì)屢敗屢戰(zhàn)的心酸歲月。要是我們?cè)跊_突面前畏縮不前，我們可以避免這些痛苦；要是我們回避了這些痛苦，我們就成了不配屹立于世界偉大民族之林的懦夫。感謝主給了我們先輩鋼鐵般的意志，他們支持了林肯總統(tǒng)的英明抉擇，拿起刀槍加入格蘭特將軍的隊(duì)伍。我們是不愧于偉大時(shí)代的英雄們的兒女，是把偉大內(nèi)戰(zhàn)進(jìn)行到底直至取得最后勝利的英雄們的后代，讓我們贊美主，我們的先輩拒絕了可恥的媾和意見(jiàn)，讓我們的先輩毫不畏縮地去面對(duì)痛苦、失敗、悲傷、失望的磨煉，歷經(jīng)數(shù)年內(nèi)戰(zhàn)；讓我們贊美主，最后奴隸們獲得了解放，聯(lián)邦得到了保存，強(qiáng)大的美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)再一次像巨人般地屹立于世界民族之林。

我們這一代人不必完成先輩所面臨的那種任務(wù)，但是，我們也有自己的任務(wù)，要是我們沒(méi)能完成我們的任務(wù)，我們就要遭到不幸。我們決不能扮演中國(guó)的角色，要是我們重蹈中國(guó)的覆轍，自滿(mǎn)自足，貪圖自己疆域內(nèi)的安寧享樂(lè)，漸漸地腐敗墮落，對(duì)國(guó)外的事情毫無(wú)興趣，沉溺于紙醉金迷之中，忘掉了奮發(fā)向上、苦干冒險(xiǎn)的高尚生活，整天忙于滿(mǎn)足我們?nèi)怏w暫時(shí)的欲望，那么，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，總有一天我們會(huì)突然發(fā)現(xiàn)中國(guó)今天已經(jīng)發(fā)生的這一事實(shí)：畏懼戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、閉關(guān)鎖國(guó)、貪圖安寧享樂(lè)的民族在其它好戰(zhàn)、愛(ài)冒險(xiǎn)的民族的進(jìn)攻面前是肯定要衰敗的。如果我們要成為真正偉大的民族，我們必須竭盡全力在國(guó)際事務(wù)中起巨大的作用。我們無(wú)法回避大問(wèn)題，我們能決定的僅是處理問(wèn)題的效果良寙。去年我們被卷入與西班牙的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，那也是不可避免的。我們所能考慮的僅是我們?cè)撓衽撤蚰菢油丝s呢？還是該勇敢、斗志昂揚(yáng)地開(kāi)赴戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，以及一旦進(jìn)入了戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，我們是否能打勝?，F(xiàn)在的情況也是如此，我們無(wú)法回避在夏威夷、古巴、波多黎各和菲律賓所面臨的責(zé)任。我們所能考慮的僅是，我們能否妥善處理這些問(wèn)題，增強(qiáng)我國(guó)的威望，以及我們對(duì)這些新問(wèn)題的處理不當(dāng)，會(huì)不會(huì)成為我們歷史上黑暗恥辱的一頁(yè)。拒絕處理這些問(wèn)題與處理得一敗涂地沒(méi)什么兩樣。問(wèn)題就在眼前，無(wú)法回避；要是我們著手去解決，必然存在著處理不當(dāng)?shù)奈ｋU(xiǎn)，但是拒不處理就等于承認(rèn)我們根本無(wú)法處理。

西奧多·羅斯福

懦夫，懶漢，對(duì)政府持懷疑態(tài)度的人，喪失了斗爭(zhēng)精神和支配能力的、文質(zhì)彬彬的人，愚昧無(wú)知的人，還有那些無(wú)法感受到堅(jiān)定不移的人們所受到的巨大鼓舞的麻木不仁的人──所有這些人當(dāng)然害怕看到他們的國(guó)家承擔(dān)了新的職責(zé)，害怕看到我們建立能滿(mǎn)足我國(guó)需要的海軍和陸軍，害怕看到我們承擔(dān)國(guó)際義務(wù)，害怕看到我們勇敢的士兵和水手們把西班牙的軍隊(duì)趕出去，讓偉大美麗的熱帶島嶼從大亂中達(dá)到大治。這些人害怕艱苦奮斗，害怕過(guò)這種唯一值得過(guò)的民族生活。他們相信隱居，吮吸民族的吃苦耐力精神，就像他們吮吸個(gè)人一樣；或者，他們接受了貪婪索取的靈魂，以為商業(yè)主義就是民族生活的宗旨；但實(shí)際上，商業(yè)主義只是民族偉業(yè)的必要組成部分之一。國(guó)家的長(zhǎng)久繁榮，必然是要靠靈巧的頭腦、經(jīng)商頭腦、辛勤奮斗；但沒(méi)有哪個(gè)國(guó)家是純粹靠物質(zhì)繁榮而真正強(qiáng)大的。榮譽(yù)屬于物質(zhì)繁榮發(fā)展背后的建筑師，興辦工廠、建造鐵路的產(chǎn)業(yè)領(lǐng)袖，用頭腦和雙手不斷耕耘的鐵人們；所謂一個(gè)國(guó)家的偉大，就是這個(gè)國(guó)家對(duì)這些人欠下的債。但我們虧欠更多的是以林肯總統(tǒng)為代表的國(guó)父?jìng)?，以及格蘭特將軍等戰(zhàn)士們。他們用生命證明了何謂工作、何謂奮斗；他們?yōu)榱俗约?、為了信?lài)他們的人而力爭(zhēng)勝利；但他們知道，自己還有另一個(gè)、更加高貴的使命——為了國(guó)家、為了民族的使命。

我們不能自我滿(mǎn)足、鼠目寸光。這會(huì)自食其果，因?yàn)閲?guó)家利益會(huì)逐漸擴(kuò)大，各國(guó)交往將愈加緊密，如果我們要保持目前的海軍和商業(yè)優(yōu)勢(shì)，必須建造無(wú)疆界的力量。我們必須建造巴拿馬海峽，必須在決定東西方大洋命運(yùn)的時(shí)候，擁有自己的話語(yǔ)權(quán)。

商業(yè)方面暫且不談。從國(guó)際形象的角度來(lái)看，上述立場(chǎng)更為有力。響徹馬尼拉和圣地亞哥的炮火賦予了我們極大榮譽(yù)，但同時(shí)賦予了我們責(zé)任。如果我們趕走中世紀(jì)暴君，卻換來(lái)野蠻的無(wú)政府狀態(tài)，那一切都徒勞無(wú)功。如果說(shuō)我們沒(méi)有什么責(zé)任，可以隨時(shí)從島上撤退，那就更荒唐了。這是為人所不齒的行為。很快，島上就會(huì)發(fā)出自己的混亂聲音。某些馬尼拉勢(shì)力會(huì)進(jìn)行干預(yù)，然后我們就出丑了，讓世人看到我們無(wú)法履行偉大國(guó)家的職責(zé)。

必須完成任務(wù)，我們責(zé)無(wú)旁貸；如果我們還有點(diǎn)兒志氣，那就應(yīng)該為此感到欣喜，感謝有這么一個(gè)證明現(xiàn)代文明大國(guó)的機(jī)會(huì)。但千萬(wàn)不要低估此次任務(wù)的重要性。不要自吹自擂，誤以為能夠輕而易舉地解決問(wèn)題。我們要對(duì)自己有清醒認(rèn)識(shí)，用嚴(yán)肅、冷靜、堅(jiān)定的態(tài)度理解責(zé)任。我們必須派出最正直、最能干的人才。我們必須問(wèn)責(zé)那些踐踏國(guó)家利益、無(wú)法履行職責(zé)、浪費(fèi)精力財(cái)力的人。

當(dāng)然，我們必須記住，不要以一時(shí)一事的成敗來(lái)評(píng)判我們的公務(wù)員，尤其應(yīng)該注意不要把抨擊的矛頭對(duì)準(zhǔn)我們的同志，他們即便未取得善果，也不是災(zāi)禍的始作俑者。讓我用陸海雙軍的例子來(lái)闡明這一點(diǎn)。如果二十年前我們加入了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，我們的海軍將和陸軍一樣毫無(wú)準(zhǔn)備。如果當(dāng)年我們的軍艦遭遇西班牙艦隊(duì)，我軍既缺乏訓(xùn)練又仍在使用黑火藥武器的戰(zhàn)士們即使再勇敢，也不可能敵得過(guò)訓(xùn)練有素的、以現(xiàn)代化連發(fā)步槍武裝起來(lái)的西班牙人。但在1880年代早期，我國(guó)開(kāi)始轉(zhuǎn)而關(guān)注海上利益。國(guó)會(huì)無(wú)比明智地?fù)艹鲆幌盗锌铐?xiàng)，建立新海軍。歷任海軍部長(zhǎng)既有才能又富有愛(ài)國(guó)熱情，在他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，在兩黨共同的推動(dòng)下，海軍逐步建立起來(lái)，硬件水平終于配得上我們杰出的人才，多年的努力所取得的結(jié)果是，去年夏天我們的海軍贏得了它應(yīng)有的地位——全世界最輝煌、最強(qiáng)大的海上戰(zhàn)斗力量。我們理應(yīng)向海軍的負(fù)責(zé)人們致敬，他們獲得了偉大的勝利；榮譽(yù)屬于海軍部長(zhǎng)約翰•戴維斯•隆和海軍特級(jí)上將喬治•杜威；屬于操縱戰(zhàn)艦的艦長(zhǎng)；屬于在小船中冒死執(zhí)行任務(wù)的上尉們；也屬于華盛頓各部的負(fù)責(zé)人們，從指揮作戰(zhàn)，到戰(zhàn)艦裝備，到工程作業(yè)，是他們?cè)诤蠓接辛Φ谋O(jiān)督執(zhí)行確保了前線取得最好的戰(zhàn)果。我們不應(yīng)忘記，所有那些在過(guò)去十五年里為我國(guó)海軍事業(yè)奉獻(xiàn)心力的人，沒(méi)有他們，便不會(huì)有今天的勝利。讓我們銘記過(guò)去歷任海軍部長(zhǎng)；銘記那些投票支持向海軍事業(yè)撥款的兩院議員們，有了他們的投票我們才能興建船只、武裝戰(zhàn)艦、鑄造大炮、訓(xùn)練海軍；讓我們銘記那些為興建船只、武裝戰(zhàn)艦、鑄造大炮付出辛勤勞動(dòng)的工人們；讓我們銘記那些曾駕馭戰(zhàn)列艦、巡洋艦、魚(yú)雷艇，在遠(yuǎn)海執(zhí)行任務(wù)的海軍官兵，多虧他們長(zhǎng)年累月磨練航海、射擊技術(shù)，積累戰(zhàn)術(shù)配合經(jīng)驗(yàn)，他們的繼承者們才能在馬尼拉和圣地亞哥城外大顯神通。

此外，先生們，你們也要記住國(guó)內(nèi)那股逆流。記住正義是雙面的。為了祖國(guó)的未來(lái)，不光我們海軍締造者們需要得到公正的對(duì)待，那些反對(duì)建立海軍的人，你們也須牢牢記住?？纯磭?guó)會(huì)的記錄，看究竟是哪些議員反對(duì)給戰(zhàn)艦撥款；是哪些人明知缺少軍備的戰(zhàn)艦只是擺設(shè)，還反對(duì)我們添置軍備；是哪些人反對(duì)我們撥款維持海軍部運(yùn)作；是哪些人千方百計(jì)地裁減海軍隊(duì)伍。這些人的所作所為，無(wú)一例外是在給這個(gè)國(guó)家?guī)?lái)災(zāi)難。我們?cè)隈R尼拉和圣地亞哥取得的榮光，他們無(wú)權(quán)染指！我們海軍官兵的英勇、我們旗幟的榮威，他們無(wú)權(quán)感到驕傲！他們的動(dòng)機(jī)或善或惡，已難以明辨，但他們的行為可以說(shuō)罪孽深重。雖有這幫給國(guó)家榮譽(yù)抹黑的反對(duì)派阻撓，我們還是克服困難取得了勝利。

上面的道理適用于全體公務(wù)人員。我軍的規(guī)模，從來(lái)都趕不上這個(gè)國(guó)家的需要。我國(guó)十萬(wàn)軍人，四分之三要被抽調(diào)到遠(yuǎn)洋海島、沿海要塞，和印第安保留區(qū)。所謂“軍隊(duì)將使這個(gè)由七千萬(wàn)自由人組成的國(guó)家失去自由”的幼稚言論，我今天就不在諸位面前細(xì)說(shuō)。一個(gè)心智健全、膽氣雄壯的人絕不會(huì)把這種囈語(yǔ)當(dāng)真。如果我們真如其所言，是那樣的弱者，那么我們便不配在任何情況下享有自由。我們海陸兩軍指戰(zhàn)員們?yōu)閲?guó)家立下的汗馬功勞，不是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)中任何人可比的。軍隊(duì)是這個(gè)國(guó)家最忠誠(chéng)的屏障，最令人驕傲的后盾，也是最亟待擴(kuò)充的力量。

我們的軍隊(duì)需要徹底改建，而不僅是擴(kuò)大建制規(guī)模——只有通過(guò)立法才能完成改建。我們應(yīng)當(dāng)組建正規(guī)的參謀部、軍械所、軍需社，詳細(xì)的供給需求應(yīng)該從前線一直軍需官。更重要的是，軍隊(duì)必須有機(jī)會(huì)進(jìn)行大型演習(xí)。在西班牙戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，我們的少將師長(zhǎng)們居然從未有過(guò)指揮三個(gè)連的實(shí)戰(zhàn)經(jīng)驗(yàn)。這一幕決不能再現(xiàn)。然而，難以置信的是，國(guó)會(huì)最近似乎好了瘡疤忘了痛。在兩黨中各有一大批人反對(duì)宣戰(zhàn)；反對(duì)批準(zhǔn)和平條約；反對(duì)擴(kuò)充軍力；甚至反對(duì)以合理的價(jià)格為戰(zhàn)列艦和巡洋艦采購(gòu)裝甲，從而讓海軍建造新戰(zhàn)艦的進(jìn)程徹底停滯。如果在未來(lái)的歲月里，我們的軍隊(duì)在海上或陸地上折戟沉沙，讓美國(guó)蒙受恥辱，請(qǐng)記住那些在國(guó)會(huì)表決大會(huì)上專(zhuān)門(mén)唱反調(diào)的罪人。屆時(shí)我們的戰(zhàn)士和水手們所遭受的所有減損，我們國(guó)旗所蒙受的一切玷污，都將由這些人全責(zé)承擔(dān)。如果你們以及全體國(guó)民與這幫反動(dòng)派不劃清界限，不堅(jiān)決反對(duì)他們的作為，那么你們也將成為歷史的罪人。承擔(dān)歷史罪名的，不會(huì)是缺乏鍛煉的指揮官和經(jīng)驗(yàn)不足的部隊(duì)；不會(huì)是人手、資源都捉襟見(jiàn)肘的公務(wù)部門(mén)職員；也不會(huì)是麾下寥寥幾艘戰(zhàn)艦可供調(diào)遣海軍將領(lǐng)；而將是那些缺乏先見(jiàn)之明，姑息奸惡，未能及早糾錯(cuò)的官員，以及一個(gè)支持這樣官員的國(guó)家。

所以，此時(shí)此刻，那些長(zhǎng)期推延和平條約的人，那些愚不可及地故意將一個(gè)野蠻民族誘入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)圈套的人，必須對(duì)發(fā)生在菲律賓的流血犧牲——既有美軍弟兄們的血，也包括野蠻無(wú)知的敵人的血——負(fù)相當(dāng)大的責(zé)任。這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)對(duì)敵人來(lái)說(shuō)必定是一場(chǎng)災(zāi)難，而那些跟隨我們旗幟的勇士們，也不得不為空談家們的愚蠢及其虛偽的人道主義付出了鮮血的代價(jià)。

如果我們的國(guó)家要在世界民族之林中盡職盡責(zé)，如果我們不甘愿淪為西半球的中國(guó)，就必須把陸軍和海軍像劍與盾一樣攥在手中。從西班牙手中正當(dāng)?shù)貖Z取熱帶島嶼，只是我們職責(zé)當(dāng)下的一種形式。當(dāng)然，我們一定會(huì)妥善處理國(guó)內(nèi)事務(wù)。我們必須看到，我們?nèi)珖?guó)各州各市的政府機(jī)關(guān)及公務(wù)員隊(duì)伍，是誠(chéng)信、廉潔、清醒的。我們必須努力做到精誠(chéng)為公；誠(chéng)信待人，尤其是對(duì)待國(guó)家和個(gè)人的債權(quán)人；努力保證個(gè)人最大限度的自由；也須在個(gè)人自由傷害多數(shù)人利益時(shí)，努力進(jìn)行最具智慧的管控。但是，做好國(guó)內(nèi)事務(wù)不是我們不參與全球大事的借口。一個(gè)男人的首要責(zé)任是撐起自己的家，但他的家事并不能免除他應(yīng)為國(guó)家履行的職責(zé)；因?yàn)槿绻麩o(wú)法為國(guó)家盡義務(wù)，便將受到失去自由人身份的懲罰。同樣，一個(gè)國(guó)家的首要責(zé)任所在固然在其內(nèi)部，但它在世界各處的責(zé)任卻不會(huì)因此而免除；如果它拒絕承擔(dān)這些職責(zé)，這個(gè)國(guó)家將退出競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，喪失塑造人類(lèi)命運(yùn)的權(quán)利。

在西印度群島和菲律賓，我們都遭遇到最棘手的問(wèn)題。不敢迎難而上、解決問(wèn)題，是懦夫的行為。這些難題必須得到解決，如果我們解決不了，便有更強(qiáng)大、更剛毅的民族來(lái)代替我們解決。如果我們太軟弱、太自私、或太愚蠢，解決不了這些問(wèn)題，更有膽識(shí)、有能力的人便必須承擔(dān)起解決難題的責(zé)任。就個(gè)人而言，我對(duì)美國(guó)的偉大和同胞們的實(shí)力堅(jiān)信不疑，在任何時(shí)候我都絕不愿承認(rèn)我們理應(yīng)甘于卑微的一角。

不同的島嶼帶來(lái)了不同的問(wèn)題。波多黎各太小，不足以獨(dú)立自治。為了波多黎各人民的利益，我們必須明智、妥善地統(tǒng)治它。根據(jù)我的判斷，古巴最終將享有自治權(quán)，它可能作為一個(gè)獨(dú)立的國(guó)家，也可能成為這個(gè)強(qiáng)大共和國(guó)的一個(gè)組成部分。但是，在實(shí)現(xiàn)秩序和穩(wěn)定的自由之前，我們必須留守在古巴。我們的軍事和民間代表，必須在維護(hù)穩(wěn)定、打擊搶劫、保護(hù)大眾、論功行賞等方面展現(xiàn)出無(wú)限的機(jī)智、判斷、節(jié)制和勇氣。菲律賓向我們提出的問(wèn)題更為棘手。他們的人口構(gòu)成復(fù)雜，包括混血兒、土生土長(zhǎng)的基督徒、好戰(zhàn)的穆斯林和野蠻的異教徒，許多當(dāng)?shù)厝四壳巴耆贿m合自治，未來(lái)也不大可能自治；另一部分人雖可能隨著時(shí)間的推移變得適于自治，但目前只能在明智、堅(jiān)定、仁慈的監(jiān)督之下參與自治政府的工作。我們好不容易才把西班牙暴君趕出菲律賓，如果我們現(xiàn)在任由它走向野蠻的無(wú)政府狀態(tài)，那么對(duì)菲律賓來(lái)說(shuō)，我們所付出的一切便都是禍不是福。對(duì)于那些害怕挑起統(tǒng)治菲律賓重?fù)?dān)的庸人；那些公開(kāi)聲稱(chēng)不敢接下挑戰(zhàn)的懦夫；那些一遇代價(jià)和麻煩便退縮的逃兵，我的耐心是及其有限的。至于那些扯起人道主義大旗掩藏自身膽怯的偽君子，以及偽善地用“自由”、“被統(tǒng)治者的許可”裝門(mén)面，骨子里沒(méi)有半點(diǎn)男子漢精神的人，我的耐心幾乎為零。他們教條的理論，如果要付諸實(shí)踐，我們便得將阿帕奇部落留在亞利桑那州，讓他們自己救贖自己；也得拒絕對(duì)任何一個(gè)印第安保護(hù)區(qū)進(jìn)行干涉。他們的教條理論是在譴責(zé)你我共同的祖先，譴責(zé)他們定居在美國(guó)的土地上。

統(tǒng)治印度和埃及對(duì)英國(guó)大有裨益，這訓(xùn)練了數(shù)代英國(guó)人，讓他們放眼關(guān)注更為高尚的公共生活。印度和埃及則收獲更大好處。最后，同時(shí)也是最重要的一點(diǎn)，此番事業(yè)促進(jìn)了文明進(jìn)程。因此，如果我們能在菲律賓履行正當(dāng)職責(zé)，這將增添民族榮耀，而一個(gè)民族的榮耀乃是國(guó)民生活最高等、最卓越的部分；同時(shí)，這也將惠及菲律賓人民；最重要的是，我們將為提升人性的偉大事業(yè)做出自己的一份貢獻(xiàn)。但我們要始終牢記，展現(xiàn)高度自信、誠(chéng)摯意愿和明智決策。叛亂必須平定。首要任務(wù)是樹(shù)立美國(guó)旗幟至高無(wú)上的地位。我們必須首先平定武裝叛亂，面對(duì)敵人時(shí)不妥協(xié)、不退縮。至于國(guó)內(nèi)那些長(zhǎng)敵人士氣的人，我們大可唾棄他們；但記住，對(duì)他們的鄙視不可代替通敵罪的懲罰。

一旦平定武裝叛亂，一旦我們的統(tǒng)治得到承認(rèn)，更繁重的任務(wù)還擺在前頭，我們必須牢記，要用絕對(duì)的忠誠(chéng)和良好的決策來(lái)管理這些島嶼。如果我們讓菲律賓事務(wù)落在腐敗的政客手中，我們會(huì)重蹈西班牙人的覆轍。我們必須派遣賢能之士，摒棄黨派門(mén)戶(hù)之見(jiàn)，這些人不但要公正地治理當(dāng)?shù)厝耍娜饴男泄?，還要秉持堅(jiān)定信念，認(rèn)清治理對(duì)象；要知道，最大的罪惡是軟弱，其次是管理不周和歧視。

我想告訴諸位，我的同胞，我們國(guó)家呼喚的是不是茍且偷安，而是艱苦奮斗。20世紀(jì)即將來(lái)臨，列強(qiáng)命運(yùn)風(fēng)雨飄搖。如果我們袖手旁觀，如果好吃懶做、茍且偷安，如果在命運(yùn)的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻臨陣退縮、放棄自己所珍視的事物，那么，其他更勇猛、更強(qiáng)大的民族就會(huì)超越我們，贏得世界的統(tǒng)治權(quán)。因此，讓我們直面人生苦難，堅(jiān)定而有尊嚴(yán)地履行職責(zé)；言行舉止不偏不倚；誠(chéng)懇而勇敢，為了實(shí)現(xiàn)更高理想而埋頭苦干。最重要的一點(diǎn)，不論精神上或肉體上的挫折，讓我們不畏艱辛，縱橫四海，通過(guò)艱苦卓絕的奮斗，最終真正實(shí)現(xiàn)民族偉業(yè)。

（本文由觀察者網(wǎng)朱新偉、楊晗軼翻譯，部分譯文參考已有節(jié)譯版本。）

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The Strenuous Life

Theodore Roosevelt

April 10th, 1899

In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the State which gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who pre-eminently and distinctly embody all that is most American in the American character, I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the doctrine of the strenuous life, the life of toil and effort, of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy peace, but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph.

A life of ignoble ease, a life of that peace which springs merely from lack either of desire or of power to strive after great things, is as little worthy of a nation as of an individual. I ask only that what every self-respecting American demands from himself and from his sons shall be demanded of the American nation as a whole. Who among you would teach your boys that ease, that peace, is to be the first consideration in their eyes-to be the ultimate goal after which they strive? You men of Chicago have made this city great, you men of Illinois have done your share, and more than your share, in making America great, because you neither preach nor practice such a doctrine. You work yourselves, and you bring up your sons to work. If you are rich and are worth your salt, you will teach your sons that though they may have leisure, it is not to be spent in idleness; for wisely used leisure merely means that those who possess it, being free from the necessity of working for their livelihood, are all the more bound to carry on some kind of non-remunerative work in science, in letters, in art, in exploration, in historical research-work of the type we most need in this country, the successful carrying out of which reflects most honor upon the nation.

We do not admire the man of timid peace. We admire the man who embodies victorious effort; the man who never wrongs his neighbor, who is prompt to help a friend, but who has those virile qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual life. It is hard to fail, but it is worse never to have tried to succeed. In this life we get nothing save by effort. Freedom from effort in the present merely means that there has been stored up effort in the past. A man can be freed from the necessity of work only by the fact that he or his fathers before him have worked to good purpose. If the freedom thus purchased is used aright, and the man still does actual work, though of a different kind, whether as a writer or a General, whether in the field of politics or in the field of exploration and adventure, he shows he deserves his good fortune. But if he treats this period of freedom from the need of actual labor as a period not of preparation, but of mere enjoyment, he shows that he is simply a cumberer of the earth’s surface, and he surely unfits himself to hold his own with his fellows if the need to do so should again arise. A mere life of ease is not in the end a very satisfactory life, and, above all, it is a life which ultimately unfits those who follow it for serious work in the world.

As it is with the individual, so it is with the nation. It is a base untruth to say that happy is the nation that has no history. Thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat. If in 1861 the men who loved the Union had believed that peace was the end of all things, and war and strife the worst of all things, and had acted up to their belief, we would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives, we would have saved hundreds of millions of dollars. Moreover, besides saving all the blood and treasure we then lavished, we would have prevented the heartbreak of many women, the dissolution of many homes, and we would have spared the country those months of gloom and shame when it seemed as if our armies marched only to defeat. We could have avoided all this suffering simply by shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it, we would have shown that we were weaklings, and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth. Thank God for the iron in the blood of our fathers, the men who upheld the wisdom of Lincoln, and bore sword or rifle in the armies of Grant! Let us, the children of the men who proved themselves equal to the mighty days-let us, the children of the men who carried the great Civil War to a triumphant conclusion, praise the God of our fathers that the ignoble counsels of peace were rejected; that the suffering and loss, the blackness of sorrow and despair, were unflinchingly faced, and the years of strife endured; for in the end the slave was freed, the Union restored, and the mighty American republic placed once more as a helmeted queen among nations.

We of this generation do not have to face a task such as that our fathers faced, but we have our tasks, and woe to us if we fail to perform them! We cannot, if we would, play the part of China, and be content to rot by inches in ignoble ease within our borders, taking no interest in what goes on beyond them, sunk in a scrambling commercialism; heedless of the higher life, the life of aspiration, of toil and risk, busying ourselves only with the wants of our bodies for the day, until suddenly we should find, beyond a shadow of question, what China has already found, that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is bound, in the end, to go down before other nations which have not lost the manly and adventurous qualities. If we are to be a really great people, we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world. We cannot avoid meeting great issues. All that we can determine for ourselves is whether we shall meet them well or ill. Last year we could not help being brought face to face with the problem of war with Spain. All we could decide was whether we should shrink like cowards from the contest, or enter into it as beseemed a brave and high-spirited people; and; once in, whether failure or success should crown our banners. So it is now. We cannot avoid the responsibilities that confront us in Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines. All we can decide is whether we shall meet them in a way that will redound to the national credit, or whether we shall make of our dealings with these new problems a dark and shameful page in our history. To refuse to deal with them at all merely amounts to dealing with them badly. We have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution, there is, of course, always danger that we may not solve it aright; but to refuse to undertake the solution simply renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright.

The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the over-civilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man, and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills “stern men with empires in their brains”-all these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties; shrink from seeing us build a navy and an army adequate to our needs; shrink from seeing us do our share of the world’s work, by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag. These are the men who fear the strenuous life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading. They believe in that cloistered life which saps the hardy virtues in a nation, as it saps them in the individual; or else they are wedded to that base spirit of gain and greed which recognizes in commercialism the be-all and end-all of national life, instead of realizing that, though an indispensable element, it is, after all, but one of the many elements that go to make up true national greatness. No country can long endure if its foundations are not laid deep in the material prosperity which comes from thrift, from business energy and enterprise, from hard, unsparing effort in the fields of industrial activity; but neither was any nation ever yet truly great if it relied upon material prosperity alone. All honor must be paid to the architects of our material prosperity, to the great captains of industry who have built our factories and our railroads, to the strong men who toil for wealth with brain or hand; for great is the debt of the nation to these and their kind. But our debt is yet greater to the men whose highest type is to be found in a statesman like Lincoln, a soldier like Grant. They showed by their lives that they recognized the law of work, the law of strife; they toiled to win a competence for themselves and those dependent upon them; but they recognized that there were yet other and even loftier duties – duties to the nation and duties to the race.

We cannot sit huddled within our own borders and avow ourselves merely an assemblage of well-to-do hucksters who care nothing for what happens beyond. Such a policy would defeat even its own end; for as the nations grow to have ever wider and wider interests, and are brought into closer and closer contact, if we are to hold our own in the struggle for naval and commercial supremacy, we must build up our power without our own borders. We must build the isthmian canal, and we must grasp the points of vantage which will enable us to have our say in deciding the destiny of the oceans of the East and the West.

So much for the commercial side. From the standpoint of international honor the argument is even stronger. The guns that thundered off Manila and Santiago, left us echoes of glory, but they also left us a legacy of duty. If we drove out a medieval tyranny only to make room for savage anarchy, we had better not have begun the task at all. It is worse than idle to say that we have no duty to perform, and can leave to their fates the islands we have conquered. Such a course would be the course of infamy. It would be followed at once by utter chaos in the wretched islands themselves. Some stronger, manlier power would have to step in and do the work, and we would have shown ourselves weaklings, unable to carry to successful completion the labors that great and high-spirited nations are eager to undertake.

The work must be done; we cannot escape our responsibility; and if we are worth our salt, we shall be glad of the chance to do the work – glad of the chance to show ourselves equal to one of the great tasks set modern civilization. But let us not deceive ourselves as to the importance of the task. Let us not be misled by vainglory into underestimating the strain it will put on our powers. Above all, let us, as we value our own self-respect, face the responsibilities with proper seriousness, courage, and high resolve. We must demand the highest order of integrity and ability in our public men who are to grapple with these new problems. We must hold to a rigid accountability those public servants who show unfaithfulness to the interests of the nation or inability to rise to the high level of the new demands upon our strength and our resources.

Of course we must remember not to judge any public servant by any one act, and especially should we beware of attacking the men who are merely the occasions and not the causes of disaster. Let me illustrate what I mean by the army and the navy. If twenty years ago we had gone to war, we should have found the navy as absolutely unprepared as the army. At that time our ships could not have encountered with success the fleets of Spain any more than nowadays we can put untrained soldiers, no matter how brave, who are armed with archaic black-powder weapons, against well-drilled regulars armed with the highest type of modern repeating rifle. But in the early eighties the attention of the nation became directed to our naval needs. Congress most wisely made a series of appropriations to build up a new navy, and under a succession of able and patriotic secretaries, of both political parties, the navy was gradually built up, until its material became equal to its splendid personnel, with the result that last summer it leaped to its proper place as one of the most brilliant and formidable fighting navies in the entire world. We rightly pay all honor to the men controlling the navy at the time it won these great deeds, honor to Secretary Long and Admiral Dewey, to the captains who handled the ships in action, to the daring lieutenants who braved death in the smaller craft, and to the heads of bureaus at Washington who saw that the ships were so commanded, so armed, so equipped, so well engined, as to insure the best results. But let us also keep ever in mind that all of this would not have availed if it had not been for the wisdom of the men who during the preceding fifteen years had built up the navy. Keep in mind the secretaries of the navy during those years; keep in mind the senators and congressmen who by their votes gave the money necessary to build and to armor the ships, to construct the great guns, and to train the crews; remember also those who actually did build the ships, the armor, and the guns; and remember the admirals and captains who handled battle-ship, cruiser, and torpedo-boat on the high seas, alone and in squadrons, developing the seamanship, the gunnery, and the power of acting together, which their successors utilized so gloriously at Manila and off Santiago.

And, gentlemen, remember the converse, too. Remember that justice has two sides. Be just to those who built up the navy, and, for the sake of the future of the country, keep in mind those who opposed its building up. Read the Congressional Record. Find out the senators and congressmen who opposed the grants for building the new ships; who opposed the purchase of armor, without which the ships were worthless; who opposed any adequate maintenance for the Navy Department, and strove to cut down the number of men necessary to man our fleets. The men who did these things were one and all working to bring disaster on the country. They have no share in the glory of Manila, in the honor of Santiago. They have no cause to feel proud of the valor of our sea-captains, of the renown of our flag. Their motives may or may not have been good, but their acts were heavily fraught with evil. They did ill for the national honor, and we won in spite of their sinister opposition.

Now, apply all this to our public men of to-day. Our army has never been built up as it should be built up. I shall not discuss with an audience like this the puerile suggestion that a nation of seventy millions of freemen is in danger of losing its liberties from the existence of an army of 100,000 men, three fourths of whom will be employed in certain foreign islands, in certain coast fortresses, and on Indian reservations. No man of good sense and stout heart can take such a proposition seriously. If we are such weaklings as the proposition implies, then we are unworthy of freedom in any event. To no body of men in the United States is the country so much indebted as to the splendid officers and enlisted men of the regular army and navy. There is no body from which the country has less to fear, and none of which it should be prouder, none which it should be more anxious to upbuild.

Our army needs complete reorganization-not merely enlarging-and the reorganization can only come as the result of legislation. A proper general staff should be established, and the positions of ordnance, commissary, and quartermaster officers should be filled by detail from the line. Above all, the army must be given the chance to exercise in large bodies. Never again should we see, as we saw in the Spanish war, major-generals in command of divisions who had never before commanded three companies together in the field. Yet, incredible to relate, the recent Congress has shown a queer inability to learn some of the lessons of the war. There were large bodies, of men in both branches who opposed the declaration of war, who opposed the ratification of peace, who opposed the upbuilding of the army, and who even opposed the purchase of: armor at a reasonable price for the battle-ships and cruisers, thereby putting an absolute stop to the building of any new fighting-ships for the navy. If, during the years to come, any disaster should befall our arms, afloat or ashore, and thereby any shame come to the United States, remember that the blame will lie upon the men whose names appear upon the roll-calls of Congress on the wrong side of these great questions. On them will lie the burden of any loss of our soldiers and sailors, of any dishonor to the flag; and upon you and the people of this country will lie the blame if you do not repudiate, in no unmistakable way, what these men have done. The blame will not rest upon the untrained commander of untried troops, upon the civil officers of a department the organization of which has been left utterly inadequate, or upon the admiral with an insufficient number of ships; but upon the public men who have so lamentably failed in forethought as to refuse to remedy these evils long in advance, and upon the nation that stands behind those public men.

So, at the present hour, no small share of the responsibility for the blood shed in the Philippines, the blood of our brothers, and the blood of their wild and ignorant foes, lies at the thresholds of those who so long delayed the adoption of the treaty of peace, and of those who by their worse than foolish words deliberately invited a savage people to plunge into a war fraught with sure disaster for them – a war, too, in which our own brave men who follow the flag must pay with their blood for the silly, mock humanitarianism of the prattlers who sit at home in peace.

The army and the navy are the sword and the shield which this nation must carry if she is to do her duty among the nations of the earth – if she is not to stand merely as the China of the western hemisphere. Our proper conduct toward the tropic islands we have wrested from Spain is merely the form which our duty has taken at the moment. Of course we are bound to handle the affairs of our own household well. We must see that there is civic honesty, civic cleanliness, civic good sense in our home administration of city, State, and nation. We must strive for honesty in office, for honesty toward the creditors of the nation and of the individual; for the widest freedom of individual initiative where possible, and for the wisest control of individual initiative where it is hostile to the welfare of the many. But because we set our own household in order we are not thereby excused from playing our part in the great affairs of the world. A man’s first duty is to his own home, but he is not thereby excused from doing his duty to the State; for if he fails in this second duty it is under the penalty of ceasing to be a free man. In the same way, while a nation’s first duty is within its own borders, it is not thereby absolved from facing its duties in the world as a whole; and if it refuses to do so, it merely forfeits its right to struggle for a place among the peoples that shape the destiny of mankind.

In the West Indies and the Philippines alike we are confronted by most difficult problems. It is cowardly to shrink from solving them in the proper way; for solved they must be, if not by us, then by some stronger and more manful race. If we are too weak, too selfish, or too foolish to solve them, some bolder and abler people must undertake the solution. Personally, I am far too firm a believer in the greatness of my country and the power of my countrymen to admit for one moment that we shall ever be driven to the ignoble alternative.

The problems are different for the different islands. Porto Rico is not large enough to stand alone. We must govern it wisely and well, primarily in the interest of its own people. Cuba is, in my judgment, entitled ultimately to settle for itself whether it shall be an independent state or an integral portion of the mightiest of republics. But until order and stable liberty are secured, we must remain in the island to insure them, and infinite tact, judgment, moderation, and courage must be shown by our military and civil representatives in keeping the island pacified, in relentlessly stamping out brigandage, in protecting all alike, and yet in showing proper recognition to the men who have fought for Cuban liberty. The Philippines offer a yet graver problem. Their population includes half-caste and native Christians, warlike Moslems, and wild pagans. Many of their people are utterly unfit for self-government, and show no signs of becoming fit. Others may in time become fit but at present can only take part in self-government under a wise supervision, at once firm and beneficent. We have driven Spanish tyranny from the islands. If we now let it be replaced by savage anarchy, our work has been for harm and not for good. I have scant patience with those who fear to undertake the task of governing the Philippines, and who openly avow that they do fear to undertake it, or that they shrink from it because of the expense and trouble; but I have even scanter patience with those who make a pretense of humanitarianism to hide and cover their timidity, and who cant about “liberty” and the “consent of the governed,” in order to excuse themselves for their unwillingness to play the part of men. Their doctrines, if carried out, would make it incumbent upon us to leave the Apaches of Arizona to work out their own salvation, and to decline to interfere in a single Indian reservation. Their doctrines condemn your forefathers and mine for ever having settled in these United States.

England’s rule in India and Egypt has been of great benefit to England, for it has trained up generations of men accustomed to look at the larger and loftier side of public life. It has been of even greater benefit to India and Egypt. And finally, and most of all, it has advanced the cause of civilization. So, if we do our duty aright in the Philippines, we will add to that national renown which is the highest and finest part of national life, will greatly benefit the people of the Philippine Islands, and, above all, we will play our part well in the great work of uplifting mankind. But to do this work, keep ever in mind that we must show in a high degree the qualities of courage, of honesty, and of good judgment. Resistance must be stamped out. The first and all-important work to be done is to establish the supremacy of our flag. We must put down armed resistance before we can accomplish anything else, and there should be no parleying, no faltering, in dealing with our foe. As for those in our own country who encourage the foe, we can afford contemptuously to disregard them; but it must be remembered that their utterances are not saved from being treasonable merely by the fact that they are despicable.

When once we have put down armed resistance, when once our rule is acknowledged, then an even more difficult task will begin, for then we must see to it that the islands are administered with absolute honesty and with good judgment. If we let the public service of the islands be turned into the prey of the spoils politician, we shall have begun to tread the path which Spain trod to her own destruction. We must send out there only good and able men, chosen for their fitness, and not because of their partisan service, and these men must not only administer impartial justice to the natives and serve their own government with honesty and fidelity, but must show the utmost tact and firmness, remembering that, with such people as those with whom we are to deal, weakness is the greatest of crimes, and that next to weakness comes lack of consideration for their principles and prejudices.

I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life of ease but for the life of strenuous endeavor. The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations. If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by, and will win for themselves the domination of the world. Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods. Above all, let us shrink from no strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided we are certain that the strife is justified, for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall ultimately win the goal of true national greatness.